Indonesia, explained.
A march marking the anniversary of the Indonesian Armed Forces, Banda Aceh, Indonesia (Chaideer Mahyuddin/AFP via Getty Images
This is not only a question of fairness but about strengthening the military itself.
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Indonesia is falling behind the Indo-Pacific on military inclusion – it doesn’t have toIndonesia is falling behind the Indo-Pacific on military inclusion – it doesn’t have to
Susan Coyle has been named as Australia’s Chief of Army, making her the first woman to lead the Australian Army in its 125-year history. This moment is not merely symbolic but it reflects a deeper institutional transformation in opening leadership pathways for women in the defence sector.
Neighbouring countries should be watching closely.
Indonesia, for example, does not need to immediately replicate Australia’s moves but it could be doing more to ensure women can play meaningful roles, especially at strategic level, within the Indonesian military (TNI).
Numbers alone suggest that women’s representation in the TNI remains limited. Data from the National Commission on Violence Against Women (2022) shows that women make up only around 2% of total personnel. Out of these, only around 67 female officers have reached the rank of general, with 12 still active.
With figures like these, it may seem unrealistic to expect a woman to reach the highest ranks anytime soon. But “difficult” does not mean “impossible.” More importantly, it should not be an excuse for inaction.
The Australian Defence Force (ADF) has already reached around 21% female participation with nearly one-fifth of senior leadership positions held by women, aiming for 25% by 2030. The Armed Forces of the Philippines has achieved a notably higher level of representation with women making up around 21% of leadership positions. These figures show that progress is not only possible, but already happening within the region.
Indonesia already has prevailing regulations to move in this direction. As a party to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on women and peace and security, the country has committed to increasing women’s participation in peace and security decision-making.
The challenge, however, lies in how these commitments are translated into practice. Too often equality is understood simply as giving the same opportunities on paper. In reality, meaningful equality requires addressing structural barriers.
Bringing more women into the military is one thing. Ensuring they have equal access to strategic roles is another.
Research by the ASEAN Institute for Peace and Reconciliation (2025) identifies three main challenges. First, institutional and structural factors such as limited access to training, education, combat experience, and the absence of strong affirmative policies continue to hold women back. Second, cultural expectations still frame the military as a male-dominated space. Third, gender-based violence and harassment remain a serious concern.
These issues are not just abstract – they show up in everyday practices. For instance, during army officer candidate school, female personnel were reportedly placed in barracks located farther from classrooms than their male counterparts, requiring longer travel times each day. While it remains unclear whether this arrangement still exists, it nevertheless illustrates how institutional design has not always fully accounted for equality. At the same time, there have been longstanding controversies surrounding the recruitment, including that female applicants were once subjected to intrusive and discriminatory “virginity test” as part of the selection process – practices widely criticised for violating dignity and which have since been abolished. Although reforms have been introduced, these examples highlight how gender bias can be deeply embedded within institutional structures.
Bringing more women into the military is one thing. Ensuring they have equal access to strategic roles and decision-making positions is another. Without that, increasing numbers alone will not lead to meaningful change.
The experience of Susan Coyle shows that leadership does not happen overnight. It is built over time through deliberate career development. Before becoming chief of army, she will have held various key roles – from leading ADF operations in the Middle East to overseeing cyber and space capabilities. This kind of structured pathway is essential if more women are to rise to leadership positions.
For Indonesia, the way forward does not have to be drastic, but it does have to be intentional. A clear and realistic blueprint is needed, one that supports the recruitment, career progression, and access to strategic roles for women within the TNI.
A gradual approach is perfectly fine. Progress does not need to happen all at once. Moving slowly but consistently is far better than not moving at all.
In the end, this is not just about fairness. It is about strengthening the TNI itself. A more diverse leadership structure brings broader perspectives, which is increasingly important in dealing with complex security challenges.
Indonesia may not be at the same level as Australia and some of its regional peers. But with sustained commitment, there is no reason it cannot get there. And when that happens, it will not just be a milestone for women – it will be a strengthening of the institution itself.
About the author
Yokie Rahmad Isjchwansyah
Yokie Rahmad Isjchwansyah is a Research Fellow for Security Sector Reform in AMAR Law Firm & Public Interest Law Office based in Jakarta.
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