Malaysia, explained.
The hidden meaning of a handshake power-play (Roberto Scandola/Getty Images Plus)
Restoring severed diplomatic ties will require patience and creative channels without domestic pressure to act.
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A handshake can only reach so far – even in mending ties between North Korea and MalaysiaA handshake can only reach so far – even in mending ties between North Korea and Malaysia
Handshakes are not only friendly gestures of greeting and respect, but in the political field they also can be carefully calibrated expressions of power. Famously, US President Donald Trump is just one of many politicians who have mastered the handshake power-play.
So, when the leaders of two countries which do not have diplomatic relations with each other shake hands in the margins of an international meeting what does this mean? Is this the start of a breakthrough that will result in the two states resuming official relations or is this a token courtesy that does nothing to solve the underlying differences in values and policy?
During the gathering of international leaders for the military parade in Beijing last month to commemorate 80 years since the defeat of Japan and the end of the Second World War in Asia, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim “coincidentally” came across North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, shook his hand and exchanged simple greetings. Yet, diplomatic relations do not currently exist between Malaysia and North Korea (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) – a consequence of Malaysian courts allowing a North Korean resident of Malaysia to be extradited to the United States on money-laundering charges in 2021, at a time when the earlier assassination in a Kuala Lumpur airport of Kim’s half-brother Kim Jong-nam, widely thought to be at the direction of Pyongyang, had raised tensions.
Such “passing-by” encounters among political leaders are frequent occurrences at multilateral events around the world. Once it became clear that Kim Jong-un would be attending the Beijing event (his first time ever to attend a multilateral event), it would be surprising if Anwar and his advisers had not considered the possibility of somehow informally meeting Kim and/or his delegation.
Malaysia’s Anwar Ibrahim meeting with North Korea’s Kim Jong-un on the sidelines of a military parade in Beijing (@anwaribrahim/X)
Anwar’s dilemma must have been about how far to go in trying to meet Kim and how to interact with him, if it happened. Malaysia might well have expected North Korea to make the first move, given it was Pyongyang that broke off relations. But North Korean leaders have their own sense of national pride and do not like to apologise. Kim’s preoccupation with the emerging Russian quasi-alliance, the enduring relationship with China, watching the Trump administration’s policy pronouncements, and even strengthening links with some of Malaysia’s South-east Asian neighbours has ensured that patching up links with Malaysia is not high up on the North Korean policy agenda.
Similarly, Malaysia has been focusing elsewhere, on the Gaza crisis, the trade and tariffs struggle with the Trump administration and the current chairmanship of ASEAN. Although there will have been informal contacts between Malaysian and North Korean diplomats in third countries, there have been no obvious signs of progress toward reconciliation. Indeed, in a speech at the Institute of Strategic and International Studies Malaysia (ISIS) in June this year, Anwar publicly criticised North Korean “arrogance”, which seemed to show his frustration with North Korea – most likely over its responses to informal contacts. For the first time in 25 years, since joining the ASEAN Regional Forum, North Korea did not send a representative to attend this year’s annual meeting hosted by Malaysia in July.
Kim Jong-un will have enjoyed being treated as an equal in the photographs alongside Russian President Vladimir Putin with host Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing, but such photo-ops are not going to be repeated in Seoul.
Since the early 1970s successive Malaysian governments have practised a foreign policy of non-alignment and neutrality that eschews alliances and seeks to engage other countries regardless of their political systems. This had been the logic behind the original decision in 1973 to recognise North Korea. As ASEAN chair this year, Malaysia would have liked to show that it could contribute to regional peace and order. Anwar’s stalwart efforts to resolve the Thai-Cambodian border dispute is evidence of that endeavour. But, promoting reconciliation on the Korean peninsula remains a tough ask.
The only photo of the Anwar-Kim handshake gives the impression of Anwar’s willingness to engage, even if Kim looks more uncertain. Yet still photos make it difficult to judge body language and the tone of the conversation. The very fact that the two leaders met is a small step forward. No Malaysian prime minister had ever previously met a North Korean supreme leader face-to-face.
What will follow next? Some South Korean politicians have spoken of possibly inviting Kim to the upcoming Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation Summit in Seoul in late October. This could conceivably allow for another informal meeting with Anwar, at which Kim might be more willing to engage, but it is unlikely that Kim will attend. He will have enjoyed being treated as an equal in the photographs alongside Russian President Vladimir Putin with host Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing, but such photo-ops are not going to be repeated in Seoul. Besides, the North has pronounced it has no interest in the South.
So, it is likely to be a slow and painstaking process for Malaysia to build on this handshake diplomacy. Malaysian diplomats have an advantage in choosing their own pace in that they are not under any pressure from strong domestic groups pressing for an urgent renewal of political, economic and societal linkages.
A key role in setting up the diplomatic relations in 1973 was played by so-called “ping-pong diplomacy” as a visit to Malaysia by a North Korean table-tennis team added impetus to ongoing tentative talks behind-the-scenes. Sporting opportunities may not be so relevant at the moment, but perhaps restoring humanitarian links through the Malaysian medical non-governmental organisation MERCY that has cooperated with North Koreans on-and-off for three decades might be one channel.
Whatever route is used, it is likely to be a while before the leaders from Malaysia and North Korea grip hands again.
About the author
Brian Bridges
Brian Bridges is a retired professor in political science at Lingnan University, Hong Kong.
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