Allan Gyngell had a knack for plain speaking – cutting through the honeyed tones that so often stick to debates about foreign policy and Australia’s place in the world.
“History is by no means a perfect guide to what is likely to happen,” Gyngell once remarked, “but it is one of the best we’ve got.”
A man of deep wisdom on Australian diplomacy, Gyngell passed away overnight, a few weeks after being diagnosed with cancer. “My life has been very fulfilling,” he told me last month, typically reflective, always one for the long view. “Luckier than most.”
And his was an extraordinary career. Australia’s chief intelligence analyst, head of what was then known as the Office of National Assessments. International adviser to a prime minister. Diplomat. Author.
Gyngell was also the first executive director of the Lowy Institute, with a legacy that has shaped its 20 years as Australia’s most prominent international affairs think tank.
Foreign Minister Penny Wong praised Gyngell last month at the National Press Club in Canberra as “frankly, the finest mind in Australian foreign policy”.
“An official and unofficial adviser to governments for decades, always in singular service of Australia’s national interest. He is the definitive historian of Australian foreign policy. He is the finest writer about Australian foreign policy … And possibly also the smallest ego in Australian foreign policy.”
Small ego, true. But Gyngell’s gentle manner belied a savage wit and droll humour. He relished debate and embraced criticism. Gyngell saw in what he once described as the “parallel worlds” between diplomats, military professionals, business leaders and the media the chance to strengthen Australia’s position. Established wisdom was always open to challenge, focusing on facts. He was equally happy to argue about contemporary policies – questions about China or the United States alliance – and past controversies, including Australia’s stance on the Indonesian invasion of East Timor or dealing with the Suharto regime, issues he had a hand in as a public servant. He was not rigid. But he always demanded to be persuaded.
Fitting that for “contributions to the development of public and governmental debate on foreign and security policy” he was awarded an Order of Australia. (Although, quietly a republican and with an abiding disdain for the Commonwealth as a hangover of empire, he would surely have spurned a knighthood.)